Showing posts with label Danis Tanović. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Danis Tanović. Show all posts

Sunday, February 13, 2011

To Love and Murder Easily

[careful. the love and anguish of murdering easily applies to the opening sentence. if i tortured syntax like that very often, i'd be facing charges in the hague.]


ENG 201-013
6 December 2010

To Love and Murder Easily
The Balkans...is...a gay peninsula filled with sprightly people who ate peppered foods, drank strong liquors, wore flamboyant clothes, loved and murdered easily and had a splendid talent for starting wars. Less imaginative westerners looked down on them with secret envy, sniffing at their royalty, scoffing at their pretensions, and fearing their savage terrorists. Karl Marx called them “ethnic trash.”
        I, as a footloose youngster in my twenties, adored them.
                   ——C. L. Sulzberger, A Long Row of Candles, 1969.


    Cultural critic Theodor Adorno famously—or perhaps, infamously—is quoted from an essay in 1949 as saying that “to write a poem after Auschwitz is barbaric,” a statement he defended several times (in 1955 and 1962) before backing away from such a stance a few years before he died (he stated in one of these essays that not only poetry was barbaric but that, indeed, “all culture after Auschwitz, including its urgent critique, is rubbish”) (“Negative Dialektik,” Adorno). He elucidated upon what he meant in a 1962 essay by responding to a treatise by Jean-Paul Sarte: “The question asked by a character in Sartre’s play Morts Sans Supulture, ‘Is there any meaning in life when men exist who beat people until the bones break in their bodies?’, is also the question whether any art now has a right to exist...” (“Commitment”). This line of thinking infuses virtually every form of art, poetry, literature, and music that has come about since World War II, and has been retroactively applied to examine events predating the mid-20th Century. It would be a futile and quickly dismantled argument to claim that there is no link between events of great barbarity and the art which follows it, but to debate the points of to what purpose is an artist using such events is a question as old as “barbaric” art itself and, in a more modern context of a culture saturated by media, the question is added of when it becomes acceptable to do so.

    Whether it is Sylvia Plath using Holocaust imagery to reflect her own personal tragedies or the ancient Hebrew people singing victory songs about the vanquished enemies they themselves annihilated (that is, committed genocidal ethnic cleansing upon), the grotesque paintings of mass murder and neighborly atrocity as depicted by Vasily Vereshchagin and Pieter Bruegel, the fact that art and literature has been created from such massacres is not the point of debate. The question, as posed by Adorno’s stance becomes, is it barbaric to do so?

    To answer this, an examination of five topics related to the Bosnian Genocide in the 1990s will be discussed: a keynote address concerning the importance of the artist living in a barbarous culture, a contemporaneous film currently being made about the genocide, an American author and activist who smuggled herself into Sarajevo during its siege years, some anecdotal evidence gained from first-hand accounts from two indigenous artists in the Balkans (a poet and a film-maker), and a privately-printed memorial poem concerning the Srebrenica Massacre in 1995.

    In a keynote address at the Streamlines Conference in November, 2010, Dr. Jonathan Barz commented that he had “read that the Iranian government was gravely concerned about the number of their college students who were majoring in the humanities” (Barz) and quoted the article as saying “[Khamenei] called the humanities a field of study that ‘promotes skepticism and doubt in religious principles and beliefs,’ and that it was worrying that almost two-thirds of university students in Iran were seeking degrees in the humanities” (qtd. in “Crackdown”). Barz went on to clearly state his opinion on this matter by saying “Is it just me, or is there something wonderfully affirming about hearing that our field of study cannot be tolerated because it is inimical to repression and thought control?” This “field of study” being, of course, that of literature; including the barbaric poetry written after Auschwitz. The two major points Dr. Barz implored his audience to consider about the study and reading of literature—especially controversial literature—was that “literature invites us to develop the habit of moral reflection” and that “literature reshapes our character by encouraging empathy.” these are crucial points to consider when assessing the place “barbaric poetry” has even in, as Adorno stated, a culture of rubbish. While the debate about culture is better left to another thesis, the importance literature plays in casting light and reflection upon genocide is paramount. But, even in challenging Adorno’s stance on the subject, there is a wide ground to consider before staking an empirical response to declare what is, or is not, beyond the pale of acceptance.

    Consider that in the late summer of 2010—15 years after the political end of the Bosnian War—one of the biggest names in Hollywood film-making began production on a project she wrote, and is producing and directing. According to several local news services in Bosnia and Serbia, the film Angelina Jolie (who is also a “Good Will Ambassador” for the UN) is making concerns “a Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) woman who falls in love with her Serb rapist and commander of a wartime prison camp in which she is held” (“Suspends Permission”). This is, of course, an extremely controversial subject in the area from all sides involved. There is concern that Jolie’s film will profit on the romanticized misery of the victims of the war without shedding light upon the actual trauma and daily struggle many still face. The government agencies involved with issuing work permits for the film initially denied, then later granted permission to film the movie in Bosnia (“Suspends Permission” and “Reissues Permit”). However, due to protests against the film, production in the country was cut short “partly due to bad weather, but also because of politics,” as a spokesman for the production company stated; Jolie herself was never present on the set in Bosnia (“Cuts Filming”).

    Based on the information gleaned in news reports as the actual script for the movie has not been made public—this could be seen as a case in which barbaric art is taking advantage of the victims of a tragedy and reflects in a very direct way upon both of Adorno’s points. One, that making art from another’s misery is distasteful, and, two, that such actions promote a culture which caters to the worst elements in it. These points are in direct opposition to the status both Dr. Barz and the Ayatollah Khamenei place upon literature and the arts: that of encouraging moral reflection while simultaneously promoting skepticism of any proffered narrative. How then to bridge the gap between opposed ideologies through art? Should we accept that making art from cultural trauma is ethically wrong?

    When the Bosnian War was going on—when the city of Sarajevo was under military siege and international embargo—the American author, critic, and political activist Susan Sontag saw it as an opportunity to comment on the larger issues at hand. Unlike the overwhelming majority of people, politicians, and, more to the argument at hand, artists, did not even acknowledge the events that were transpiring in Europe as they blithely went on with their routines steeped in the safety and comfort of the objectively peaceful United States. What Sontag did in smuggling herself into a city being bombed was to do the only thing an artist is capable of doing. She made art. Produced in a theatre lit only by candles, enacted with local Sarajevan actors, Sontag directed a version of Samuel Beckett’s play Waiting for Godot. The line in the play “Mr. Godot told me to tell you that he won't come this evening, but surely tomorrow,” takes on a cut-to-the-bone air of black humor that may not be understood outside of regions decimated by death. “Like the outcasts [of the play], Sarajevo has waited for relief from afar, the Western military intervention that many here believe is the only thing that can stop the Serbian nationalist forces besieging the city from destroying what is left here,” a New York Times articles quotes, and to Sontag, the statement is a call to arms for artists in the rest of the world (their weaponry of artists being, of course, brushes, cameras, guitars, and the mightiest weapon: the pen) because she, “who is virtually alone among the well-known writers and artists and performers of Europe and the United States in coming to Sarajevo during the siege” called the Siege of Sarajevo:
The Spanish Civil War of our time … In 1937, people like Ernest Hemingway and Andre Malraux and George Orwell and Simone Weil rushed to Spain, although it was incredibly dangerous... They went as an act of solidarity, and from that act grew some of the finest literature of their time. But I don't think the fact that Sarajevo is dangerous is really the reason. I think there is an underlying reason that is deeper and more disturbing ... I think there has been a failure of conscience on the part of writers and intellectuals in the Western world.


    Here then, Sontag is stating that atrocity needs to be fought not with bullets and bombs, but with art. An opinion shared by two Balkan artists who were on opposite sides of the war in the ’90s.

    Serbian poet Matija Bećković was a long-standing nationalist and member of the conservative Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. He was a vocal advocate for Serbian control of the former Yugoslavian states and, during the NATO bombing campaigns of Belgrade in 1999, he was one of the authors of a protest phrase that followed the Serbian downing of a US stealth bomber: “We’re Sorry We Shot Down Your Plane, We Didn’t Know It Was Invisible.” An act some would say was a feeble response to overwhelming military and technological force, but a response befitting an artist, even one whose opinions may not be shared by outsiders to the conflict. This, coming from a man who in later years would make the compassionate statement that, “Bridges are the most important creation in human history. The bridge does not ask who crosses it.” By way of metaphoric exclusion, Bećković was stating that when walls and fences are constructed, bridges are needed more than ever. Poetry becomes a method of building such bridges.

    Across the battle lines, in Bosnia, Sarajevan film director Danis Tanović relates a tale from the war in which he was filming a battle for Western media and took refuge in a small house during mortar fire. A painter was set up in the cottage and was working on a canvas, painting by the light a homemade candles. His canvas depicted a pastoral scene of Sarajevo’s old town square in winter. When asked by Tanović how he could be painting during the bombing, the painter replied, “What else would you have me do?” To him, the only response to warfare was to continue producing his art. After telling of this experience, Tanović offered an insight to the issue of art from atrocity, “If there can be no poetry after the Holocaust, there can be no art of any kind after Sarajevo.” Coming from a director who won an Academy Award for a film about the Bosnian War, this is, pardon the pun, a loaded statement.

    Art can exist following large-scale atrocities. Some would contest that is must. Susan Sontag is one such voice. So is Bosnian poet Melika Salihbeg Bosnawi, who wrote a memorial poem about the Srebrenica Genocide of July 1995 on its fifth anniversary. In it she details the major players involved with orchestrating the massacre and makes word-play of their peaceful names. The military leader General Ratko Mladić’s name means “youth” and the poem tells of how the victims “only wished … that no mother give birth to a youth to call, gun in hand … to hunt human beings!” The name of political leader, Radovan Karadižić, means “rejoice.” Bosnawi’s poem tells of how the victims in Srebrenica “desired … that no Montenegrin she-wolf rejoice to suckle a son...” The poem concludes with some of the most vicious imagery in modern poetry:
I have yet to call for help … / Hieronymus Bosch and Brueghel. / I have yet to ask them / to paint: / the regions turned to Hell, / the torment of the innocent, / iconostasis of horror, / and, then, to thread up a caravan of satanic faces, / the horde of the damned, lost souls, / on their blood-soaked / course / in the twentieth century / to Gehenna, / as they pass through / Bosnia.


    Bosnawi’s poem drives home the point of barbaric poetry. When asked about such writing, an elderly survivor of Srebrenica who lost her husband and sons to the ethnic cleansing program of Mladić and Karadižić, replied, “Of course [this] poetry is barbaric! It has to be! How else will someone understand what [genocide] is like?”

    Even if—or perhaps, especially if—culture is relegated to the midden heaps of barbarity, visceral poetry, art, and literature must never turn away from the most vile acts humans perpetuate. As a recent scholarly work cited, arts and literature “become tools to present contrasting viewpoints in a form where ideologies may be considered without condoning nor condemning them. This is done not to exonerate the participants but to complicate our judgment of such situations.” To cause a moral reflection in the self. And, if the bridge does not ask who crosses it, then poetry—that is, literature, music, art—does not ask who reads it. but to be read, such things must first be written.



Works Cited


Adorno, Theodor. Prisms. tr. Samuel and Shierry Weber. Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1983. Print.

Anonymous Srebrenica Woman. Personal interview. 3 July 2010.

Barrett, Kírk. “The Atrocity Exhibit: A Travelogue...” Streamlines: An Undergraduate Conference Celebrating Language, Literature, and Writing. Dubuque, IA. 12 Nov. 2010. Presentation.

Barz, Jonathan. “Literary Studies: The Radical Art of Learning How to Be.” Streamlines: An Undergraduate Conference Celebrating Language, Literature, and Writing. Dubuque, IA. 12 Nov. 2010. Keynote Address.

Bećković, Matija. Personal interview. 3 June 2010.

Bosnawi, Melika Salihbeg. Srebrenica Je Zvijezda Padalica [Srebrenica Is A Falling Star]. 2nd ed. Sarajevo: Melika Salihbeg Bosnawi, 2000. Print.

“Bosnia Suspends Permission for Jolie Film.” Balkans Insight. 14 Oct. 2010. Web. 5 Nov. 2010.

Harding, James Martin. Adorno and “A Writing of the Ruins”: Essays on Modern Aesthetics and Anglo-American Literature and Culture. Albany: State University of New York, 1997. Print.

“Iran Launches New Crackdown On Universities.” Radio Free Europe. 26 Aug. 2010. Web. 5 December 2010.

Sulzberger, C. L. A Long Row of Candles; Memoirs and Diaries, 1934-1954. New York: Macmillan, 1969. Print.

Tanović, Danis. Personal interview. 25 June 2010.



~•~

In Addition to a Yes and a No, the Answer Contains a Maybe


ENG 201
12 November 2010


In Addition to a Yes and a No, the Answer Contains a Maybe


    After a great human tragedy there is often a mourning period which lasts for an indefinite amount of time before the daily reminders of the tragedy are set aside and, as a modern lyrical proverb says, life goes on. At some point following the tragedy and the mourning period, what temporary memorials that were constructed come down and, depending upon the circumstances of the tragedy, a permanent memorial is sometimes erected. Amidst all of this is an underlying factor that is often overlooked or forgotten, at least until someone takes offense at the words or actions of another. This factor concerns the creation of art based on the tragedy. From some perspectives, such artistic creation raises a dilemma: is it ethical to create art from tragedy?

    The association between art and tragedy dates back to at least the 2100 BCE with the Sumerian text of Sha naqba īmuru (The Epic of Gilgamesh). Perhaps more famously, there is a direct connection between mass death and art with the oral storytelling of The Iliad from around 1190 BCE and several centuries later when most of the Psalms were written. With The Iliad, the mass slaughter incurred between the Trojans and Achaeans inspired the epic poem (and later, another: The Odyssey). With the Psalms, several were written as victory songs following great battles the Hebrews won, as well as several that lamented their exile into Babylon—an event that could be likened to the ethnic cleansing episodes seen in several parts of the world in the last years of the 20th century. For as long as there have been humans, there have been tragedies of mass death. And for as long as there have been records of human endeavors, there has been art made to memorialize, honor, and sometimes to vindictively remind others of such tragedies (this last point calls to mind an epigram etched in stone at Thermopylae, Greece, that translates to read: “O stranger, tell Lacedaemonians that here / We lie to their sayings in obedience”).

    To pay honor to the dead, especially those who have perished in a great and terrible event is a principle reason art is created from tragedy. There is a desire to have an external, tangible thing to go to or to experience in order to remember the deceased or affected. Contrary to this is the idea that victims of a great tragedy become victims a second time when works about their suffering are portrayed as feature films or subject matter of voyeuristic news articles. In a question about making art in the aftermath of tragic events, specific replies were varied. A comment held that art is fine up “to a certain point, then it’s uncalled for,” while another opined that “very little art is from happiness.” One reply stated that such art “can help a person heal,” yet a second considered that art should only be created after “the right amount of time has passed.” A notable pair of comments involved the indefinite borderline between “good” and “bad” art: “there’s a line between tastefully done or going overboard” and “ There is a line but … we wait to set [it] after we are offended” (“Issue Essay Peer Edit”).

    To illustrate these two perspectives, the focus can be made on one specific event and one particular attempt at making art from that event. That focus will be the Bosnian Genocide of the 1990s and the current endeavor by a feature film production company headed by one of the biggest names in modern media to make a movie about that event.

    In August, 2010, actress Angelina Jolie announced he intent to film a movie in Bosnia which was set during the wars of the 1990s. Jolie, who is also a goodwill ambassador for the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), filed for a permit to film in the country. The script, written by Jolie, involves “a romance between a Bosniak woman and a Serb soldier set during the 1992-95 Bosnian war” (“Jolie ‘Plans Film’”), was met with skepticism by some authorities in Bosnia, and was denied a permit to film her movie there. The culture minister of Bosnia’s Croat-Bosniak partition suspended the permit after meeting with representatives of “an association of women who had been raped” during the Bosnia War. The Women Victims of War told the cultural minister that the film’s subject was a Bosnian Muslim woman who falls in love with the Serbian commander of a prison camp who repeatedly rapes her. The Women Victims of War spokesperson stated that such a story was “outrageous and humiliating misrepresentation of our ordeal” (“Bosnia Suspends Permission”). An editor of a Serbian-owned television network had reported she had read the script and “had seen the script and “was ‘disgusted’ by it. ‘It is about a Serbian soldier who rapes a Muslim woman, cuts off one of her breasts and then they fall in love’ (“Serbian Media”). This then is a primary example of an attempt to create art from tragedy which is met with resistance from people who were victims of the tragedy being depicted. The main complaint against the attempted art is a lack of compassion and misrepresentation of the situations involved.

    The other side of this stems from the filmmaker herself, Angelina Jolie, as well as the Bosnian actress cast in the lead role of the film. Jolie’s commentary about the content of the film is that it is “an apolitical love story between a Bosniak [Bosnian Muslim] woman and a Serb who meet on the eve of the Bosnian war.” The actress involved in the film stated that she was “fascinated” by the manner “ in which Angelina managed to write our story in such a simple and authentic way” (“Bosnia Suspends Permission”). Several months after the request to film in the country—after the permit had been revoked—Jolie held a press conference where she said, “The choice to make a film about this area and set in this time in history was also to remind people of what happened not so long ago and to give attention to the survivors of the war” (Jolie Responds”), which is a direct authorial statement of intent meant to clear away what she perceived as misunderstandings of the project. An attempt to show that the artistic endeavor was meant to be disrespectful in any manner, but to educate others about the atrocity which befell Bosnia 15 years ago.

    This example is specifically narrow, but could be applied to any number of events in recent or distant past. After Hurricane Katrina in 2005, several documentaries were made that crossed the line from information to political (and thus, by some measures, a matter of artistic license) commentary. The national and international sympathy for the victims and animosity towards the American government hierarchy placed the majority of opinions on the side of the documentarians in this case. On the other extreme, following the events of September 11, 2001, the majority of the nation not only didn’t want to see their tragedy depicted in art, but many media industries took steps to retroactively protect the feelings of the victims of the tragedy by cutting scenes from television shows and films that showed the World Trade Center Towers.

    Between these extremes is the art created after tragedy which does not directly comment upon the tragic event itself, thus doesn’t fall into the same category as the previous examples. When a viewer looks at Edvard Munch’s painting The Scream, which its seemingly unnaturally vivid sunset colors behind the anguished titular character, few of them ever even know they are looking at the product of a tragedy which directly claimed the lives of almost 37,000 people, and indirectly tens—if not hundreds—of thousands of others worldwide. The colors in the skyline of this painting is a result of the massive explosion of the volcanic island Krakatoa, the ash of which colored the sky around the world for almost a decade afterward (“Astronomical Sleuths”).

    With so many degrees of differing opinions, what is the answer? How do we determine what is “tasteful” honorable expression and what is disrespectful? Who makes that determination? When does the moment go from “too soon” to “right time”? Even the infamous quote by critic Theodor Adorno (“to write a poem after Auschwitz is barbaric”) was recanted by its author less than two decades after it was written (Harding, 147). Perhaps there is no single answer. The conundrum is further complicated with a recent quote from Sarajevan film director Danis Tanović which plays off of Adorno’s quote: “If there can be no poetry after the Holocaust,” Tanović stated, “then there can be no art of any kind after [the Siege of] Sarajevo” (Tanović). Coming from a filmmaker whose most lauded work is one which focuses specifically upon the Bosnian War, this sort of comment turns the conundrum into a paradox and brings the answer no nearer.


Works Cited


“Angelina Jolie ‘Plans Bosnia Film.’” Balkans Insight. 24 Aug. 2010. Web. 5 Nov. 2010.

“Astronomical Sleuths Link Krakatoa to Edvard Munch’s Painting The Scream.” Sky & Telescope. 9 Dec. 2003. Web. 5 Nov. 2010.

“Bosnia Suspends Permission for Jolie Film.” Balkans Insight. 14 Oct. 2010. Web. 5 Nov. 2010.

Harding, James Martin. Adorno and “A Writing of the Ruins”: Essays on Modern Aesthetics and Anglo-American Literature and Culture. Albany: State University of New York, 1997. Print.

“Issue Essay Peer Edit.” English 201-013. UNCW. 5 Nov 2010.

“Jolie Responds to Critics of Bosnia Film.” Balkans Insight. 15 Oct. 2010. Web. 5 Nov. 2010.

“Serbian Media Accused of Distorting Jolie Film.” Balkans Insight. 14 Oct. 2010. Web. 5 Nov. 2010.

Tanović, Danis. Personal interview. 25 June 2010.



~•~

Saturday, February 12, 2011

Art After Srebrenica


ENG 201
30 August 2010


Art After Srebrenica


     Theodor Adorno is often paraphrased in misquote as stating that no poetry should be produced after Auschwitz. The actual quote stems from an essay Adorno published in 1955, the relative translated extract stating, “to write a poem after Auschwitz is barbaric” (in its original form: “nach Auschwitz ein Gedicht zu schreiben, ist barbarisch”). Recently, this reference was cited in the midst of my own research into the genocide and war which occurred in Bosnia between 1992-1996. The reference came after I visited the memorial in Potočari for the victims of the Srebrenica Massacre, and met with film director Danis Tanović at a café in Sarajevo. “I don’t know what you want to say about [Bosnia],” the director told me, “If there can be no poetry after the Holocaust, there can be no art of any kind after Sarajevo.”

    My research is in the field of Literature. My subject this semester’s series of papers will involve genocide in Bosnia, particularly that which took place in Srebrenica. This topic is highly controversial, even to the debate of whether a massacre took place there and, if it did, does what happened actually constitute a “genocide”? Those questions are better left asked by a longer and more complex thesis than this series, as my argument will specifically address the Adorno quote as it was referenced by Tanović: is it barbaric to create art after genocide?
 

    The irony of Mr. Tanović’s sardonic allusion is that there has been poetry after Auschwitz and art after Sarajevo; he himself is the creator of some. Historically, art has always followed tragedy. This can be found in the epic poetry of the Ancient Greeks and recounted in Hebrew victory songs in the Tanakh. This sort of art and literature becomes as vitally important as any political or historical documentation of events which transpired. Recording stories in oral tradition, verse, music, written narrative, or image is a way in which deeper connective meaning can be understood.

    Such understanding came into my own experience when I walked through the rows of white obelisks at the memorial cemetery in Potočari and listened to the screaming silence that has shrouded that area for the past 15 years. The dead no longer have voices with which to tell their stories. It must be the living then, those who have ears to hear the stories unspoken, who must pass along the poetry of the dead; the art of slaughtered.

    One aspect, one need, of art and poetry is to shape what is senseless into some temporary comprehensive form. Since the world we experience rarely makes sense, we create texts to offer reason and examination, to formulate some understanding about the way we view the world, especially when it seems to have no immediate meaning. An ubiquitous question asked following a tragedy is why?

    What happened in Sarajevo between 1992 and 1996—and Srebrenica in July, 1995—staggers belief. As the twentieth century came to a close, a modern European capital became the site of the longest military siege in modern history while the rest of the world sat idly by and watched it take place. In Srebrenica, the United Nations, under the promise of protecting refugees, instead conspicuously assisted the aggressors and became complicit in their slaughter.

    But all of this perspective is purely subjective. The question of the semester’s topic is not does art exist after a genocide?—for it is plainly clear and easily evidenced that it indeed does. Instead, the argument question I purpose is the debate of is it barbaric to create art in the wake of a genocide? Barbaric, in this context, should be taken to mean culturally offensive and/or dispassionate rather than excessively violent. This latter question then is one which has far more fertile ground in which to dig to seek out the opinions of the dead.



Works Cited


Adorno, Theodor. “Kulturkritik und Gesellschaft.” Prismen, vol. 10A, 1955: pg. 30.

Tanović, Danis. Personal interview. 25 June 2010.


~•~

[Doing Nothing ≠ Neutrality]


FST 205-002
30 April 2010


[Doing Nothing ≠ Neutrality]
The Camera as a Gun in Danis Tanović's No Man's Land


    The Italian neorealist film movement grew out of need and necessity amidst the cultural and economic devastation following WWII and reflected the ambiguous moral conditions which existed in Italy in the years following the war. The narrative of these films often centered on the trauma to the psyche of people in their everyday life, the desperate poverty and uncertain future facing most people in the country at that time. Twenty years later, the film movement of Third Cinema developed in Latin America to confront colonialism, American capitalism, and the Hollywood model of cinema which dominated most film markets throughout the world—which was seen by many Latin American film makers as being escapist entertainment bereft of social awareness or value and created only to make money. These Third Cinema filmmakers embraced the idea of film as a weapon of propaganda. Indeed, regardless of authorial intention, they viewed cinema as already being in the political realm of propaganda; that is, a message meant to convey ideals about a specific social-ideological structure. Upon the tapestry of these two film movements—and in the lingering aftermath of atrocity in the Yugoslav Wars—Danis Tanović created what could rightfully be cited as the first anti-war film of the post-Cold War era, the Bosnian release, No Man's Land (Ničija zemlja) (2001).

    Tanović's film is infused with seemingly insignificant details that add up to make a mosaic of something larger than itself, albeit, a mosaic that might resemble a stained glass window shattered by rifle fire and is missing a few pieces; those missing pieces are provided by the viewers' various degrees of perception and connotative understanding. It is saturated with political commentary mixed with metaphors which reflect the competitive clash of multiple ideological propaganda and tinged with bitter sarcasm—the sort of humor one might laugh at and then wonder if it was really meant to be funny, consider it was, laugh again, and then wonder what has brought humor to the point that something like that was indeed meant to be so humorous. It makes some level of sense then, that this single film could so casually incorporate and display its many different genres and film movements. It becomes, as previously stated, an anti-war film, a Post-Cold War film, an example of new European cinema (being produced by companies from at least six nations), an anti-globalization film, a biting political satire, a reflection of mass consumer-driven media, and even an examination of the micro-politics of the murderous impulses that lay buried in the deep of the human psyche. That's a lot of mosaic pieces scattered about that readers of this dense text must consider if wishing to offer commentary equal to the complicated narrative offered in the film.

    Although Italian neorealism may have died at the end of the credits in Vittorio De Sica's Umberto D, it would be a short and futile argument to say that Gillo Pontecorvo's La battaglia di Algeri (The Battle of Algiers) isn't depicted in an unselfconsciously similar style. Realistic to the point that not only was there a caption at the beginning of the film assuring the audience that "not one foot" of newsreel was used, but forty years later the Pentagon would host a screening of the film as an instructional guide to their current urban warfare in Iraq. Writing about the Pentagon screening, New York Times critic, Stuart Klawans offers that "apart from Orson Welles, no one before had so imaginatively imitated the look of a newsreel, although Welles had pulled the trick only for the 'March of Time' segment of Citizen Kane, whereas Mr. Pontecorvo kept up his illusion for 123 minutes." Given the circumstances in Tanović's own country for the decade prior to making No Man's Land, it might have been expected to see him produce a film with a similar dramatic-documentary ethos.

    Danis Tanović was studying film and theatre at the Sarajevo Academy of Art when the Yugoslav Wars began in the early '90s. The Academy taught multi-disciplinary theatre—film-making, TV, radio—in the same program. When the Siege of Sarajevo began, he volunteered with the militia but because of his background in film, he ended up carrying a camera instead of a gun. His work documenting the war began often used footage for the world media covering the war from abroad. He continued this for a few years before smuggling himself out of Bosnia and finishing his education in Belgium. Years later, when production began on his first feature film—No Man's Land—the location shoot was in Slovenia, which had been spared virtually all warfare, but the filming location was within range of the country's military maneuvers. Actual tank and artillery fire could often be heard during filming. All of this, along with Tanović's love of De Sica's techniques, produced a film that blatantly shows the influence of Italian neorealism, but could never be mistaken for a documentary at all.

    The staging of this—as well as a number of overt points within the narrative—becomes a matter then for comparison to Latin American Third Cinema and its use—which Tanović experienced first-hand—of the camera as a gun; the manipulation of scene and tailored narrative to formulate image and story into propaganda. Tanović loads his film with information that is perhaps not meant to be consciously understood upon first viewing but instead lingers in the psyche to impart information at a later time. The very principle which guides much of political and ideological "advertising," or, as could be drawn from Bolshevist Russian terminology, the idea of agitprop (a portmanteau of agitation and propaganda). Tanović not only uses this theory as technique in his film-making, but incorporates it into the story's narrative.

    First, an example of the density of visual information. From the opening scene, the world is shrouded with a blinding fog. From out of this step five or six non-uniformed soldiers (the audience is not given specific number of men, as the fog is too dense). The only indicators of which side these soldiers fight for—their national identity—are simple buttons and patches pinned to their jackets, or, in a few cases, only a colored bandana tied around the arm. This detail reveals the deep significance of identity which permeates the film. Not the sort of identity of belonging so much as the identity of placing blame. The extreme visual density is so ingrained that subtitles are provided in several scenes in which there are dialogue nor written words. These subtitles inform those unfamiliar with the symbol set at work: most participants look the same, are of a shared ethnic and cultural heritage (despite the wailings of national extremists to the contrary). The colors depicted on the flags from both sides are similar and it is only in the small coat of arms displayed in the center of one banner that reveals who's side is whose. Without understanding the background of the conflict, the symbols shown are of little use (even in the American Civil War/War Between the States—the only instance in United States history that holds any similarity to the Yugoslav Wars—the two sides in conflict chose alternative colors for their troops). In a wide angle shot of the front lines, a red, white, and blue flag unfurls in the breeze. A cross in the center with four Cs is displayed. The film subtitle detonates to the outside viewer what signifier is on display: Serbian Lines. This subtitling is repeated at various times in the first third of the film to indicate the Bosnian Lines, a UN Outpost, and road barricades for both the Serbs and the Bosnians, showing the film's "point of view is not anchored in any one national perspective, but sees a local ethnic conflict from a roaming vantage point, moving between two soldiers from opposing sides stuck in a stalemate, hamstrung U.N. officials, and an intrusive TV journalist" (Corbin 46). Without familiarity of the signs and signifiers involved—whose ideology holds sway in a given area—the viewer could be at a loss as to identity in the film. This is a deliberate point made by Tanović which certainly has its roots in the Latin American revolutionary cinema of the 1960s.

    Showing aspects of multiple viewpoints simultaneously is not limited merely to the visuals in the film, but also is inherent in the structure of the story being told. This is not a film where a scene of narrative is followed by a scene of characterization followed by the micro-details of a model telling, that is, a single example meant to convey the repetition steeped in routine. Instead, Tanović uses the attention to the smallest of details to show us character mindset, personal faith, and context within the narrative all at once. Early in the story, Čiki is alive but wounded in the trench in no man's land between the two front lines. He explores the trench as best he can, and is under the assumption that the shelling that stranded him there also killed his friend Cera. For a full two minutes of screen time within an even longer scene without dialogue, Čiki discovers a half-smoked cigarette on the ground in the trench, realizes he has no lighter, deduces where a lighter might be (in a kit bag outside the trench within range and view of snipers from both sides), devises and enacts a plan to recover the kit bag from in the field of fire, does so, and finally, reverently, lights his cigarette. In a situation where death occurs at the speed of 800 meters a second, this attention to the seemingly inconsequential detail and gesture of smoking a cigarette shows the joy each living moment has in a war zone. Later, when Čiki discovers, only too late to prevent the tragedy which befalls Cera, that his friend is alive, he shares a cigarette with him. Cera jokes with him, "I hope those aren't my cigarettes." "When I took them, I didn't know you'd need them. But now I hope," Čiki tells his friend as he holds one for Cera to smoke, "that you'll die of cancer."

    This humor is also a integral part of the film, of the culture from which it comes. These are a people who, in the midst of the longest siege of modern military history upon a capital city under heavy embargo from both the United Nations and the assaulting Bosnian Serb Army, wrote and published a manual called the Sarajevo Survival Guide. This book details with bleak and vicious sarcasm, a guided tour through a city that had hosted the Olympic Games eight years previous. One example from the Guide concerns gift-giving during time of siege, "for you will have friends to visit ... a complete edition of books which lack humor and poetry. Could you spare some Vladimir Illich Lenin? Last winter has proven that his books burn well" (Prstojević 39). The straight-faced humor displays itself in the film as commentary on media propaganda, as newshound Jane Livingstone, Global News Channel, points out when she signs off from a live update, "The absurdity of war continues. How will this all end? Stay tuned."

    This sort of war humor isn't by any means unique to Tanović's film. Although with his Sarajevan wit, Tanović plays it openly understated. In The Battle of Algiers there is a almost imperceptible moment of outrageous ironic humor in the middle of what is perhaps the most infamous scene in the film. As the three women plant their bombs in cafés around the European Quarter, the girl in the milk bar dances to a pop tune. The song is "Hasta Mañana;" a revolutionary's sense of humor is not well-understood outside of besieged or occupied cities. Tanović, in his film, makes clear that "laughter was an antidote to horror in the Bosnian war: 'We didn't have any weapons, so humor was the way we defended ourselves against what was happening'" (Gilgoff). The comedic aspects of the film reflect the absurdity of the situation, of warfare in general and of humans astonishing penchant for atrocity. "The comedy is not in juxtaposition with more serious moments, but felt as a grim irony underneath every action ... it is not laughter the film evokes so much as a grim smile" (Corbin 47-48). This theme is present throughout, but it is crucial to understand the context of this film.

    Globalization is another target where Tanović's biting sarcasm replaces the animosity and anger conjured by Third Cinema. In repeated exchanges between characters of multiple nationalities, it seems English is the only common language most of them share. As French UN soldiers await a German bomb expert who arrives "bang on the dot" to the minute he was scheduled to, the two Frenchmen and the German verbally demonstrate active stereotypes in a subtle manner:
        German De-miner: Guten tag.
        Captain Dubois: Parlez-vous français?
        German De-miner: Nein.
        Sergeant Marchand: English, of course?
        German De-miner: Yeah, of course.

This commentary on globalization reflects on the micro-politics within the film of understanding between characters of even the same language.  Even sharing the same symbol sets, language, or a pre-war infatuation for the same woman (as two characters from opposing sides do) does not automatically lead to understanding.  And this understanding a fellow human is a major underlying theme in No Man's Land.

    This film does not take sides and it does not point fingers nor firearms of blame at any one side in this conflict (as the characters do, insisting the other admit fault in being the aggressor).  It does not seek to exonerate anyone, but to rationally complicate the matter in order to examine it more closely.  As is repeated several times in the film, one cannot remain neutral in the face of murder and doing nothing does not equal neutrality. Without laying upon us-as-compassionate-viewers a guilt trip for which we could almost all be culpable, Tanović brings us conspiratorially close to the cause of the conflict, to the point, almost, of complicity.  In some sense, acquiescence. But guilt? Tanović detours us all from the easy path of guilt.

    At the end of this film, two soldiers are dead, and one is left alive, albeit a movement away from death by the "bouncing mine" activated under where he lies in the dirt on the floor of the trench in no man's land.  The UN soldiers with their impotent rifles of neutrality make ready to depart.  The media with their loaded cameras drive away ("a trench is just a trench" she tells her cameraman). Their camera is a gun as well, but in this case, their shots missed the real target. Danis Tanović's aim, however, does not.


Bibliography


Corbin, Amy. "No Man's Land (Nikogarŝnja Zemlja)." Film Quarterly 60.1 (2006): 46-50. JSTOR. Web. 3 Apr. 2010.

Cowie, Peter. "The Idealist." Projections 15 A Greater Europe (2007): 68-72. ILL. Web. 7 Apr. 2010.

Dovi, Suzanne. "Movie Review." Contemporary Justice Review 6.4 (2003): 401-02. Print.

Gilgoff, Dan. "The Man From No Man's Land." U.S. News & World Report 132.12. 15 Apr. 2002: 10. Print.

Horton, Andrew. "Beyond No Man's Land: Comic Tragedy & Tearful Laughter in Cinemas of the Balkans." World Literature Today 77.3/4 (2003). JSTOR. Web. 3 Apr. 2010.

Ničija zemlja (No Man’s Land). Dir. Danis Tanović. By Danis Tanović. Noé Productions and Fabrica, 2001.

Portuges, Catherine. "No Man's Land (Nikogarŝnja Zemlja)." American Historical Review 107.2 (2002): 675-76. JSTOR. Web. 4 Apr. 2010.

Prstojević, Miroslav. Sarajevo Survival Guide. Sarajevo: FAMA, 1993: 39. Print.

Shapiro, Michael J. "'The Fog of War'" Security Dialogue 36.2 (2005): 233-46. Sage. Web. 4 Apr. 2010.

Stewart, Matthew. "Danis Tanovic's No Man's Land and the Contemporary War Movie." Midwest Quarterly 47.1 (2005): 9-25. Print.

Saturday, March 6, 2010

Don't Call it a Genocide

In Terrorism and Literature, we watched a few films (the paper on Munich I have previously posted). This one was the collection of international shorts about September 11. Each film was exactly 11 minutes 9 seconds and one frame long. The most powerful ones were from Burkina Faso and Mexico. The most pedantic was from the U.S. and directed by Sean Penn. My favorite was the one I wrote about and will likely be included in my upcoming English Honors Project.


~•~


ENG 290 (491)
November 12, 2009


Don't Call it a Genocide
(or: How to Quantify Terrorist Acts and Mass Murder
in Eleven Minutes, Nine Seconds, and One Frame)


You who wronged a simple man
Bursting into laughter at the crime [...]
DO NOT FEEL SAFE. The poet remembers.
You can kill one, but another is born.
The words are written down, the deed, the date.
―Czesław Miłosz, 1950


A duality runs through the "Bosnia-Herzegovina" (Danis Tanović) segment from the film 11'09"01 (Alain Brigand, 2002) of what is shown by the visual cues provided and what can be seen by their showing. As a whole, this narrative unfolds along two historical timelines. One is the history in which the story is obviously framed—being part of a series of stories concerning the U.S. tragedy involving hijacked planes on September 11, 2001. But there is an untold history in this film that lies buried with more than 7,000 bodies in several mass graves in the municipality of Srebrenica. As the film's author, Tanović does little to go digging for the identities of those people murdered a half-dozen years previous to what he presents to us in this narrative, yet their presence permeates the story like the stench of genocide that remains in the soil long after the glossy words of ambassadors and politicians freshen their spring gardens. Instead of preaching from a grand pulpit, Tanović whispers quietly to us about a single day in, principally, one individual's life, half a world away from New York City and the Two Towers of the World trade Center. That day is, of course, Tuesday, September 11, 2001, and that person is a displaced widow or daughter in her mid-twenties, Selma—refugee from the Srebrenica massacre of 1995.

When this segment opens, Selma lays in bed not sleeping as her clock ticks away the final seconds before midnight and the first moments of September 11. Awake in the dark, the moments of her life literally tick away. She holds a red scarf and measures out lengths of it like Clotho might measure threads of a person's fate; Selma lies in stasis, the long night looming in front of her just as the emptiness pulls from behind her, seen in the small family photo—in which the red scarf she now holds in bed can be seen—propped on the shelf next to the clock, ticking claim on each passing second, marking each empty moment. The contrast between the people in the photograph (ostensibly Selma and her family) and the present surroundings is stark and immediately evidence in the mere atmosphere of the scene. The photograph depicts a sunny day in a lush forest (even though a harsh shadow blots out a large section of the photo), while the room in which Selma lies is dark, which shifting shadows in curious splashes of light. When morning does arrive, Selma crouches next to the river near her house, hugging her legs to her chest in a posture of defensive protection and hollow comfort. She wears the red scarf over her head in Islamic fashion. The river, untethered by any sense of past trauma and never clinging to anything other than its own endless moment, rushes downstream.

Nadim, a legless man in a wheelchair who keeps a sense of humor about the blisters on his feet and his need for new shoes, drops by the house looking for Selma. Here then, are several examples of duality in one portion of the scene. A man who, by some perspectives, is the worst off of our three characters, but injects the only shades of humor in the segment. Nadim also represents the duality of change inherent in the aftermath of war, shown when he replies to Hanka telling him that instead of yelling for Selma as he did, why can't he use the doorbell: "Lower it and I will," he tells her. Life has changed for him and the simple act of reaching a doorbell is beyond his current faculties; the world can't and isn't going to change for him, just as he is never going to have his own legs to stand on. Nadim banters with Hanka (whom we can take to be Selma's mother, but could as well be her aunt or even someone now kindred only due to circumstance), and hears that neither of the women slept last night—"It's always like this on the 11th"—he refuses the common display of courtesy, being invited to coffee, and leaves a bag of "creams and lipstick" for Selma and Hanka to share between them. This bag of relief items seems not only ridiculous to be given to a man, but perhaps pathetic to be given to women survivors of a massacre. A way of helping them stay pretty even in these remarkable times of murderous horror.

Hanka finds Selma at home and lectures her about still living out of boxes six years after. "After" exactly what is part of the untold history Tanović isn't explicitly telling us. Selma gives a response that has probably been said a hundred times before: she'll unpack when she gets home (obviously intent on going somewhere). Hanka ruminates about "home" and how they'll never be able to go "home." She speaks of someone's house being burned again and if that still happens, how would she and Selma being able to survive. Even though the two women live in an apparently comfortable house and have their immediate needs taken care of, they are not home, having being driven from it six years before and still unable to return. Hanka gives Selma the bag of make-up and goes to make coffee. Selma stands where her reflection is cast into a broken mirror. Again several dualities are on display. The mirror can only reflect what is on the outside, and physically, there seems to be nothing to indicate the trauma of the past Selma has experienced. And like the director veiling history from us as viewers, the mirror does not show the scars Selma hauls around with her like the boxes of things from a past that can never be reached again.

Selma has use of the make-up, albeit not in the manner it had been intended. Checking the color of the lipstick by lining some on her hand, Selma uses it to write her protest sign. The people of Bosnia showed a remarkable ability to invent placebo utilities any given item may be subject to in a region torn by strife and warfare (Zlatko Dizdarević). What would otherwise be an innocuous tube of make-up has been transformed into a vehicle of political statement—a cry from the depths of resigned despair. Completing he placard, Selma heads off, as she apparently does on the 11th of every month, to the town square to take part in a monthly protest. En route, she encounters Nadim in his wheelchair, who accompanies her there. Nadim is the only male represented in this segment, although being legless, as he himself might joke, he's only half the man he used to be. Nadim's singular presence examples some small fragment of that untold history about to be revealed to us.

The voice of the radio is already heard when Selma enters the small building designated as the "Association of the Women of Srebrenica." Here, with this piece of evidence Tanović offers, our dual histories merge, clash, and meld: the radio tells of planes crashing into the Two Towers and another one hitting the Pentagon. This is history with which we are familiar. The images we are not shown (hearing this only on a radio) are easy for us to conjure. It is a public history. The weighted history that suffocates the women in the room listening to the radio is a very private history, without regard to how many—or how few—directly share it.

Selma sits down in the room of Muslim women (each wears a colored scarf as a hijab) and listens to part of the news about the terrorist attack in the United States. "After this, we can expect anything," the radio says. "It's total confusion … Pictures coming in from New York show people running in the street… There are many wounded, blood everywhere, everyone is covered in dust." There is little movement or reaction from the women in the room. There faces blank, their hands completely still. After their experiences, they've long ago learned to expect anything.

Selma looks to the back wall of the room, where photographs, maps, and other documents recall their collective tragedy. Included on the wall's montage is a photograph like the one she has at home, next to her clock. Her family; mother, father, and brother. Given that Hanka is her mother, she has lost the males in her family. Just as the radio says, "The number of victims isn't known," Selma stands and says she's going to go to the square for the demonstration, the other women look at her carefully. "Sit down," the woman next to her says, "There'll be no demonstration today. You can hear what's happened." "Exactly," Selma replies, "We have to demonstrate. For them and for us!" The other woman sighs, resigned to listening to the radio tell of the tragedy fallen upon the United States. Selma pauses at the door before stepping outside, passing a large sign with a date and bold red letters: "12.07.95 DA SE NE ZABORAVI." This is the final clue Tanović reveals to us, reinforcing what we already knew: these women are survivors of the Srebrenica Genocide.

The segment closes with Selma going to the square with her three linked protest flags. She is joined only by Nadim, who attaches the end of the flags to his wheelchair and rolls out, a marching line of two people (one of them cripple). As they walk, Hanka appears behind Selma, the other women lined up behind Hanka. They tie their flags together and walk across the vacant town square, in silence. Their protest has become representative of dual tragedies. But just because people were killed by terrorism in the far-off land of New York City, the women of Srebrenica remain alive with their memories and pain.

It is crucial to understand that at the moment Selma stood up in the room of women, the radio made reference towards the number of people dead. This brings to the fore that quantifying the devastation is the basis for classification of a tragedy. The sheer number of dead and wounded gives credence to how much more terrible a particular event may be in comparison to others. This again brings us to the duality within this narrative. On one hand, these women listening to their single radio in an emptied small town in eastern Bosnia have survived a massacre that, when not being denied as to ever happening, is listed by some accounts as the worst atrocity on European soil since World War II. A fact itself which immediately conjures the duality of indirect reference to non-European massacres which might include the systematic mass murders perpetrated by the regimes of Stalin, Pol Pot, and the Hutus—to name but a trio out of several hundred post-WWII examples—and the direct reference to quantifying tragedy into some sort of hierarchical scale.

And using such a scale as our model for this comparison (inadequate though it is), it becomes clearer what these women of Srebrenica have survived. Having been refugees in a designated "safe area" under the protection of the UN, they had their families devastated with Bosnian Serbs systematically murdered all males without any interference from the protecting UN forces. The quantifiers involved place the figure between 6,000 and 8,500 men killed over a period of five days, culminating with the night of July 11, 1995. Srebrenica is certainly one of three jewels in the crown of UN relations involving Bosnia. The first could be heard as early as August of 1993, when the British ambassador, Lord David Owen, stood on the tarmac of the militarily-controlled Sarajevo International Airport and offered words of advice to the besieged Sarajevans, "Don't, don't, don't live under this dream that the West is going to come in and sort this problem out. Don't dream dreams." The third jewel wouldn't come until more than a decade later when, in February 2007, the International Court of Justice ruled that Bosnia had not suffered through a "genocide" (Vesna Peric Zimonjic, Jan Willem Honig). The figures just weren't enough to quantify the term.

Another parallel becomes evident and—among many historians, scholars, and interested parties—somewhat more tenuous. This parallel draws a connection between the Bosnian Massacres (we aren't allowed to use the term "genocide" now) and the Jewish Holocaust at the hands of the Nazis. And like the Holocaust, there are many prominent (and not-so-prominent) voices of denial that many of the Bosnian Massacres never occurred, or, at some extreme, were highly exaggerated events taken well out of context. Most of these voices are, not surprisingly, Serbian and high-ranking UN personnel, but—ironically—many critics are from Jewish quarters as well (Mark Chmiel, Petar Pasic, Lewis MacKenzie, Edward Herman). When you sit atop any hierarchy, it may be difficult to accept anything less than that as being worthy of measure.

Drawing back to the film, we can apply Lord David Owen's heart-felt advice to Hanka and Selma at the beginning of the segment. Selma doesn't sleep, so at least she isn't going to fall into a dream that, with the world watching, the "ethnic cleansing" perpetrated in Bosnia by the dueling agents of Serbia and Croatia would be stopped. This may seem a stretch, to equate the comment from Lord Owen with Selma's insomnia, but it cannot be underestimated the effect such advice had upon the conscious and psyche of the Bosnian population: to have an official from what is seen as the world's great protectors (or, if not protectors, at least arbitrators) tell you that your plight and exile is your own problem and quit complaining about it.

Where then, on our scale model, does September 11 rank? Thousands of dead and wounded, all in a few hours time? Is it possible to consider the scale of human devastation in terms only based on the number of bodies left in its wake? In that case which is worse, the Virginia Tech shooting or the Columbine High School shooting? What about Charles Whitman and the University of Texas shooting in 1966? Who do we vote off the list? Who moves on to the finals and awarded the title of The Worst Shooting in History? Numbers and statistics are not governors of this province. Circumstances and aftermath play a factor. As does good PR work.

So at the end of all this, aside from details of quantification and examples of the evil that spills out from the human soul, what have we learned? After witnessing eleven viewpoints of a single day and the connection with the events in New York and Washington, D.C. (we still seem to forget about that fourth plane in all of this mess) to circumstances in vastly different parts of the world, I have come to wonder: What 11'9"01 story would each of us have to tell? What would I, personally, be able to say about that day; would my perspective resonate on some unseen level deeper than mere facts and statistics and yawping rants atop a soap box in the train stations of the world?

What stories will remain untold in the recorded history of these events?

Danis Tanović wants us to hear at least one of them.





Works Cited

"Bosnia-Herzegovina." Dir. Danis Tanović. 11'09"01.
Empire Pictures, Inc., 2003. DVD.
Chmiel, Mark. Elie Wiesel and the politics of
moral leadership.
Philadelphia: Temple University Press,
2001. Print.
Dizdarević, Zlatko. Sarajevo: A War Journal.
Fromm International, 1993. Print.
Herman, Edward. "The Politics of the
Srebrenica Massacre."
Z-Net: The Spirit of Resistance Lives.
Z Communications, 7 July 2005.
Web. 2 Nov. 2009.
Honig, Jan Willem, and Norbert Both.
Srebrenica: Record of a War Crime.
London: Penguin Books, 1996. Print.
MacKenzie, Lewis. "Globe and Mail:
The real story behind Srebrenica."
Serbian Way. The Mail Archive,
14 July 2005. Web. 2 Nov. 2009.
Pasic, Petar. "Serbs did not commit genocide:
Interview with Dr. Milan Bulajic."
Srpska Mreza—Serbian Network.
Srpska Mreza, 20 May 2005.
Web. 2 Nov. 2009.
Miłosz, Czesław. "You Who Wronged." Światło dzienne.
Paris: Instytut Literacki, 1953. Print.
Zimonjic, Vesna Peric. "UN court rules
Serbia did not commit genocide in Bosnia."
The Independent.
Independent News and Media Limited,
27 Feb. 2007. Web. 2 Nov. 2009.


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